Scalawag.

            During the post-Civil War “Reconstruction” of the defeated Southern states, Democrats referred to local Whites who had become Republicans as “scalawags.”[1]  One such was John W. Stephens (1834-1870) of North Carolina.[2]  Stephens had grown up in difficult circumstances[3] and with none of the advantages enjoyed by the middle and upper ranks of Southern society.  He spent some time hawking religious tracts, then found work as a tobacco trader in South Carolina.  Along the way he became a husband, father, and widower with a young child in his care, then once again a husband and father.  He was back in North Carolina when the war began.  With two young children to support, he did not join the rush to the colors.  He spent the war commandeering horses for the army; then worked as an “impressment agent” collecting draftees.  By 1865, there were probably many people in the area who thought ill of Stephens. 

            After the war, Stephens went back to tobacco trading.  However, tumultuous change filled the post-war years.  The Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slavery (1865); the Reconstruction Acts imposing federal controls on former rebel states (1867); the Fourteenth Amendment, granting full citizenship to the freed people (1867); and the Fifteenth Amendment, guaranteeing the right to vote (1869), fell as hammer blows on Southern White beliefs.  Democrats responded by organizing the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to roll back Black voting rights and the Republican party.  Many murders occurred in the Piedmont area. 

Stephens cast his lot with the new order.  He joined the Republican party and the Union League,[4] then got a job with the Freedmen’s Bureau.  He worked at organizing the freedmen to vote Republican and gained a reputation as a barn-burner.[5]  This turned him from a much disliked figure of ridicule and into an outright enemy of most Whites.  Like other White Republicans, Stephens suffered ostracism and threats, and went everywhere armed.

            In 1868 the freedmen he had been organizing elected him to the North Carolina state Senate.  That election was contested: the Democrats claimed that their candidate had been elected, while the Republican-dominated state Senate gave the seat to Stephens.  In all this he formed a part of the political machine assembled by Republican Governor William Holden.[6] 

In May 1870, Stephens–foolishly or provocatively–attended a Democratic nominating meeting in his home county.  Lured away by one of the members, Stephens was isolated, over-powered, and murdered.  Governor Holden responded by putting two counties under martial law and sending in reliable militia.  While a host of arrests followed, convictions did not.  Juries would not convict, judges directed trials.  Holden himself was impeached.  Power shifted more and more to Democrats, who eventually went on to impose White supremacy. 

The life and death of Stephens illuminate the reasons for an incomplete Reconstruction.   


[1] Scalawag – Wikipedia casts at least some light on the origin of the epithet. 

[2] Drew A. Swanson, A Man of Bad Reputation: The Murder of John Stephens and the Contested Landscape of North Carolina Reconstruction (2023). 

[3] His father was a tailor with five children who died in 1848. 

[4] Essentially an arm of the Republica party.  There’s an academic study: Michael W. Fitzgerald, The Union League Movement in the Deep South: Politics and Agricultural Change During Reconstruction  (1989). 

[5] Not a reference to his political oratory.  He was believed to be organizing the nighttime burning of the barns of former Confederates.  See: the short story by William Faulkner, “Barn Burning” (1939). 

[6] See: William Woods Holden – Wikipedia 

My Weekly Reader 24 April 2019.

Reading the Articles of Secession passed by Southern legislatures in 1860, it soon becomes evident that Southerners “knew what they fought for and loved what they knew”: Negro slavery.[1]  It has been harder to fathom for what cause the Union fought.  Was it to preserve the United States created by the Founders, regardless of emancipating the slaves?  Was it to destroy slavery, a goal not well-articulated at first, but ever more clear in the minds of Unionists as the war dragged on?  Elizabeth Varon[2] argues that Union and Emancipation were subordinate causes to the larger goal of extirpating a poisonous social system that oppressed all but a few Southerners, slave or free, and threatened to destroy the “last, best hope of earth.”  In this argument, slavery provided the solid foundation for a system that submerged in a sea of racism real conflicts between a small and powerful aristocracy and the vast majority of white Southerners.[3]  Varon argues that the Union armies were fired by a zeal that spilled over from and was enunciated in the language of the religious enthusiasm that marked mid-19th Century America.  They saw themselves as Delivering the country from mortal peril.  Thus, “lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil.”—Matthew, 6:13.  “We bring the Jubilee!”—a Biblical reference in Henry Clay Work’s “Marching Through Georgia.”  See: Leviticus, 25:8-13.  In this sense, the victorious Union armies liberated their enemies as much as they did the slaves.

Or perhaps more than they did the slaves.  Freeing blacks did not reconcile Southern whites to the Union.  They rose up in a new rebellion, often taking the form of the Ku Klux Klan.  During the decade after “the recent unpleasantness,” Northern enthusiasm for equal rights for blacks rapidly waned.  Southern whites regained control of the political system, then began to create the legal structures for imposing inferior status on blacks.  Of course, disfranchisement formed the cornerstone of this effort.  However, a host of laws also sought as much segregation of the races as possible.[4]  A group of bi-racial New Orleans civic leaders tried to stop this juggernaut as it gathered speed.  They sued to block a Louisiana law the required the separation of train passengers on the basis of race.  Eventually, in 1896, the case reached the Supreme Court of the United States.  The Court essentially adopted the position that the Constitution (and its amendments) is a living document.  As such, jurists had to interpret its meaning to adapt the Constitution to changing times.  The Court overwhelmingly endorsed the doctrine of “separate, but equal.”  Only Justice John Marshall Harlan, apparently an originalist, insisted that the 14th Amendment meant what it said.

[1] See: http://www.civil-war.net/pages/ordinances_secession.asp

[2] Elizabeth Varon, Armies of Deliverance: A New History of the Civil War (2019).

[3] This seems to me to be an extension of the argument made by Edmund Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (1975).

[4] Steve Luxenberg, Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation (2019).