Background to the Nuremberg Trials.

            Some soldiers (both commanders and their troops) have always behaved atrociously in war-time.  (Take a look at the Old Testament.)  Certain kinds of self-restraint in wartime grew up as a form of self-preservation.  You didn’t want to establish a policy of the victor slaughtering the vanquished if you might lose the next battle.  Still, there were always exceptions to such self-restraint.  People of different social groups within your own society or different races outside your society could not expect such treatment.  Neither European Americans nor Native Americans were much inclined to give the other side quarter. 

            This began to change during the 18th Century.  The Enlightenment established the idea of Humanitarian action.  Many Europeans and Americans turned against traditional practices like the use of torture as part of a judicial inquiry, human slavery, and the intolerance of religious difference.  Then the 19th Century witnessed a number of important reforms: compulsory, free public primary education, and the construction of sewer and clean drinking water systems to conquer diseases are two examples of these reforms.  The same effort to make human life better appeared in warfare.  The International Red Cross exemplified this trend. 

            The new mood led to international agreements (conventions) governing the conduct of war.  The First Geneva Convention (1864) defined the proper treatment of wounded and sick soldiers.  Forty thousand wounded soldiers had been left lying around the battlefield at Solferino.  The Hague Convention (1899) banned bombing from the air, the use of poison gas, and dum-dum bullets.  The Second Geneva Convention (1906) extended the First Geneva Convention to cover sailors in navies.  While the first two Geneva Conventions were generally observed by all countries that fought in the First World War, they often were violated in the Second World War and the Hague Convention has been widely ignored in greater or lesser degree. 

            The Allies were outraged by the behavior of the Central Powers during the First World War.  An effort was made to prosecute Ottoman leaders and commanders for the “crime against humanity” of the Armenian genocide.  This failed because of the obstruction of the Turks.  Also after the First World War, the British and the French tried to prosecute some German leaders for the way in which Germany had conducted war.  The Versailles Peace Treaty required Germany to turn over a number of military and civilian officials for trial by a military tribunal of the victor powers.  The Dutch refused to turn over the Kaiser (who had abdicated in November 1918) and the Germans refused to extradite the men demanded by the Allies.  Instead, a handful of lesser figures were tried at Leipzig in 1921, mostly on charges of mistreating prisoners.  The Kellogg-Briand Pact (1928) renounced “aggressive war as an instrument of national policy.”  This made war a “crime against peace.”  Germany signed.  The Third Geneva Convention (1929) set rules for the treatment of prisoners of war. 

            In January 1942 British, American, and Russian lawyers began writing a law that would allow the punishment of Germany’s leaders once Germany had been defeated.  At the Teheran Conference (November 1943), the irrepressible Joe Stalin suggested shooting 50,000-100,000 German officers and letting it go at that.  After the Moscow Conference (later in November 1943), the Allies announced that Germans who had committed atrocities would be sent to those countries where they had committed the crimes for trial, while the top leaders would be judged by the Allies.  Germany surrendered in May 1945.  In August 1945 the victors announced the terms of the trials.  In addition to all those to be tried for “war crimes” as then understood, the Nazi leaders would be tried for “crimes against humanity” (see: Armenian genocide) and “crimes against peace” (see: Kellogg-Briand Pact).  This set the stage for the Nuremberg Trials. 

Laws of War.

            “The laws of war offer a guide to what matters most, and to what should happen next.”[1]  First, the “why” and the “how” of war are different, separate things.  Opponents may have a just or unjust cause, but nothing allows either side to wage war in an unjust way.  Second, “civilians are entitled to protection.”  However, “protection” does not mean that civilians must escape unscathed from a conflict.  It means that military forces can neither specifically target civilians nor inflict disproportionate harm on them when harm cannot be avoided. 

            “There is no question” that Hamas has committed “war crimes and crimes against humanity,…  Those are not close calls.”[2]  In addition to targeting mostly civilians for death, Hamas soldiers seized at least 150 hostages whom it has threatened to execute.  According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, this is not allowed under international law. 

            On the other hand, according to the U.N. High Commissioner, the “imposition of sieges that endanger the lives of civilians by depriving them of goods essential for their survival is prohibited under international humanitarian law.”  In the view of one expert, Israel’s siege of Gaza is both “a crime against humanity and a war crime.”  On top of the siege, Israel has been raining down bombs on buildings in Gaza.  Israel asserts that they are striking military targets hidden among the civilian population.  Citing another expert on international law, the NYT reports that “even attacks on legitimate military targets are illegal if they disproportionately harm civilians.”  Claiming that some act of violence will reduce future violence is not an acceptable rationale.  Admittedly, deciding what is proportional is not an exact science. 

            All this seems admirable in theory[3] and with deep historical roots.[4] 

It is also wildly out of touch with reality.   

First, Hamas is a government in control of a micro-state, not a finite outlaw gang.  This guarantees Hamas an existential continuity which insures that its policies will continue.  Hamas is committed to destroying the state of Israel, rather than to co-existing with it.  Hamas has repeatedly attacked Israel.  The people of Gaza are either captives of that government or supporters of it.  International law–and lawyers–offer no solution to this problem. 

Second, Hamas forces hide their soldiers and offensive weaponry among civilians.  They do so for two purposes.  One is to camouflage them from Israel’s observation.  “The better to eat you with, my dear.”[5]  The other is to use the civilians as human shields to limit pre-emptive or counter-attacks by Israel.  Israel has now warned the civilians to evacuate north Gaza; Hamas has ordered them to remain.  Israel is seeking to spare the lives of civilians it hates; Hamas to sacrifice lives of civilians it claims to represent and to love. 


[1] Amanda Taub, “Binding Laws of War Already Being Broken,” NYT, 13 October 2023. 

[2] Professor Tom Dannenbaum, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, “an expert on humanitarian law” quoted by Taub. 

[3] Most Americans should repent the decision by the George W. Bush administration to treat captured al Qaeda fighters as “unlawful combatants” not subject to the Geneva Conventions.  Better they had been considered P.O.W.s protected by those international agreements and held until the conclusion of a peace treaty with al Qaeda. 

[4] In the Early Middle Ages, the Latin Church sought to limit the overwhelming violence by declaring “The Peace of God” (banning attacks on clergy, Church property, and holy days) and “The Truce of God” (banning war on some days of the week and during an expansive number of parts of the year).  The truces were backed by the threat of excommunication.  This was rather more effective power than is now possessed by the U.N. or international law. 

[5] The Brothers Grimm, “Little Red Riding Hood.”