The Present Danger.

Competition between states provides the fundamental dynamic in international relations.  Economic wealth and –especially–industrial power translate into military, political, and cultural power.  In alliance with other countries, the United States fought a “Fifty Years’ War” (1940-1990) against aggressive tyrannies.  In the end, Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, and the Soviet Union all were laid in the dust.  After 1945, Germany and Japan were reconciled with their foes and became vital pillars of the “West.”  Reconciliation failed with post-Soviet Russia.[1] 

Some countries reacted against the most recent Western victory, and especially against the United States.[2]  China, Russia, and Iran hold pride of place among the “revisionist” states hoping to un-do American leadership (or “hegemony” or “empire”).[3]  China’s headlong drive toward economic power began to pay-off in a dramatic military build-up.  Russia both balked at the American propensity for regime-change and sought to restore much of the territory lost in the break-up of the Soviet Union.  Iran pursued both nuclear weapons and the use of Shi’ite and related groups throughout the Middle East.  Contemporary conservatives tend to blame the Barack Obama administration (2008—2016) for a loss of focus on great-power politics during a critical moment.[4]  However, almost twenty years of botched relations with the “revisionist” states on the part of both the United States and the European Union preceded the arrival in power of this bunch of highly-intelligent, well-educated fools.  Donald Trump then bolted from the multilateral executive agreements crafted in Obama’s second term, leaving both the deal with Iran and the Paris Climate Accord; and alienated America’s European allies. 

The Biden administration seems to have believed that things would snap back into place once the adults regained control in 2021.  Instead, the “revisionist” states doubled-down on their pursuit of national advantage while tightening the bonds between them.  Their bet seems to be that there is something fundamentally wrong with America these days.  That’s a big gamble. 

It took until 2023, but the Biden administration now seems to realize the nature of the situation.  Gone is the open hostility to Saudi Arabia.  India, for all the flaws of its leader Narendra Modi, is being courted.  Engagement with Ukraine deepens, to the point where Americans are increasingly telling Kyiv exactly how to fight the war.  The visit of the Taiwanese leader to the United States, like President Biden’s summit meeting with the leaders of Japan and South Korea are important steps in opposing Chinese expansionism.[5] 

Could this new conflict spiral out of control into catastrophe?  After 9/11, the danger from “radical Islam” was over-played.  Is this crisis the same or different?  A clear discussion leading to a bi-partisan consensus would support American efforts. 


[1] Why the former Soviet Union did not follow the same path remains an important question for historians.  People who invoke the Marshall Plan analogy don’t know anything about what made the Marshall Plan work. 

[2] Worth a read: James Headley’s essay “Post-Communist Russia and the West: From Crisis to Crisis?” in Steven Fish et al, eds., A Quarter Century of Post-Communism Assessed (2016).  

[3] The future stance of the European Union remains open to question. 

[4] Walter Russell Mead, “Geopolitical Climate Denialism,” WSJ, 10 August 2023. 

[5] Walter Russell Mead, “Power Matters More Than Diplomacy,” WSJ, 22 August 2023. 

Monolithic Only in Their Opposition to the Democrats.

            Nate Cohn analyzes the very non-monolithic Republican Party a year out from 2024.[1] 

            “Newcomers” amount to one-twelfth (8 percent) of Republicans; are—obviously newcomers to the party and probably former Democrats; are diverse, with a large component of Hispanics (18 percent); see themselves as “moderates” or “liberals,” supporting abortion and transgender rights; are really exercised about the direction of both the economy and the country; and just hate the current “woke,” government-aggrandizing Democratic Party. 

            “Blue Collar Populists” amount to one-eighth (12 percent) of Republicans; are not-as-newcomers and refugees from the Democratic Party; mostly (75 percent) lack a college education;[2] are heavily concentrated in the Northeast; have assimilated legal abortion and marriage equality into their sense of the “traditional values” that are now under attack; strongly oppose immigration “reform”; and strongly support Trump. 

            “Right Wing” Republicans amount to just over a quarter (26 percent) of Republicans, but has a level of “engagement” that magnifies its numbers within the party; predominantly self-identify as “very conservative”; are older and working class; and fervently support Trump.[3] 

            “Traditional Conservatives” figure as just over a quarter (26 percent) of Republicans; support tax cuts, oppose abortion, support immigration reform, and support aid to gallant little Finland—um, Ukraine.  Just a hair over 50 percent of this group’s primary voters support Trump, even though only 39 percent of this group’s general election voters have a strongly positive view of Trump-the-man. 

            “Libertarian Conservatives” amount to one-seventh (14 percent) of Republicans; value individual liberty over any other good; dislike big government; and are wary of both major parties.  They’re not pro-Trump, but not pro-any other major politician either. 

            The “Moderate Establishment” amounts to one-seventh (14 percent) of Republicans; is socially moderate; and thinks Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush had the right ideas on immigration, trade, and foreign policy.[4]  While Cohn characterizing this faction as often “Never Trump,” the polling data says even this group would vote for Trump over Biden by 46 percent to 27 percent.[5]  A quarter of 14 percent is 3 percent, of Republican voters willing to vote for Biden. 

            Libertarian Conservatives and Moderate Establishment Republicans (28 percent) are soft to hostile on Trump.  They have nothing else in common and most will go along with Trump. 

            Blue-Collar Populists and Right Wing Republicans (38 percent) strongly support Trump, even though they disagree on other issues. 

            Newcomers and Traditional Conservatives (34 percent) will reliably vote against the Democratic candidate.  If winning means voting for Trump, they’ll do it. 

            Newcomers and Blue-Collar Populists (20 percent) are refugees from the Democratic Party’s evolution over the last 50 years.  Probably no Republicans have become Democrats. 

            Who will Trump pick as his Vice Presidential candidate?  Ted Cruz or Tim Scott? 


[1] Nate Cohn, “Where Trump Stands With These Six Kinds of Republican Voters,” NYT, 22 August 2023. 

[2] Compared to 72 percent of Blacks.  Census Bureau Releases New Educational Attainment Data 

[3] They get their news from Fox and they think all of the recent indictments are hog-wash. 

[4] That is, “Freedom, freedom, and freedom—and let’s keep it that way.” 

[5] Why?  Because they hate the Democratic vision even more than they hate Trump.  Thanks Joe. 

The Viper Pit.

            The post-Cold War “Era of American Hegemony” proved remarkably brief.  The world has entered a new era of competition.  As in previous such eras, wealth and power form both the means and the ends of these struggles.  It is possible to understand the current Middle East policy of the Biden Administration in this light.[1] 

First, the world’s economy still runs on oil and will for a long time to come.  The pricing policies of the Gulf States affect the performance of the global economy, notably that of the United States.  Even as the Biden administration seeks to de-carbonize the United States, China remains a massive consumer of Middle Eastern oil.  Influence (if not control) over Middle East oil gives the US leverage on China. 

Second, the Middle Eastern oil states buy a lot of military hardware from the United States.  Buying hi-tech weapons systems inevitably ties the purchaser to the manufacturing and support sectors of the producing country.  Buy the first iteration of a weapons system and you go on buying parts and up-dates, and paying for the training on how to use the systems.  All this helps the American balance of payments while spreading the enormous development costs. 

Third, as the United States shifts its primary policy toward the struggle with China, it needs partners to take up the slack elsewhere. Europe and the Middle East figure as the two chief “elsewheres.”  In the Middle East, the chief problem that has to be addressed is the Islamic Republic of Iran.[2]  A crisis point approaches in the long-running civil war in the Muslim world between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi’ite Iran.  The agreement reached between Iran and its opponents during the last stage of the Obama administration had opponents in both the United States and Iran.  President Donald Trump abandoned that agreement and returned to open opposition.  The Biden administration seems to have begun by hoping that—Orange Man having left the scene—the previous agreement could be quickly restored.  Alas, the Iranian opponents of the agreement seem to have gained the upper hand. 

Looking for help in the Middle East, the most promising, but also most problematic, states are Israel and Saudi Arabia.  They are promising because of their long-standing ties with the United States, Israel’s military power (including nuclear weapons) combined with a willingness to use it, and Saudi Arabia’s great wealth and influence over lesser Arab states.  The Trump administration pushed Israeli-Saudi cooperation against Iran as the basis for Middle East stability as America shifted its attention to China.  As with other Trump policies, the Biden administration seems to be recognizing the merits. 

They are problematic because their leaders, the Israeli Prime Minister and the Saudi Crown Prince, seem to think that America has gone soft and also seem to personally despise President Biden.   The “America’s gone soft” view is the older, bigger, and more consequential problem.  The United States spends a lot on its military and it has some impressive weapons systems.  It is much less clear that the United States will fight on foreign soil in the near future.  There also exist some doubts about how well-led are American forces.  Doubting America itself, it must seem like a much safer bet than in the past to treat its president with disdain.   

America needs to solve its own problems to be able to step down on the vipers.   


[1] Walter Russell Mead, “Biden’s New Approach to the Middle East,” WSJ, 15 August 2023. 

[2] For previous installments in this long-running “franchise,” see: Iran | Search Results | waroftheworldblog 

Grand Jury.

            Grand juries are much in the news these days.  What are the essential characteristics of a grand jury?[1]  The grand jury developed as an element of the English Common Law.  As such, it was exported to all the British colonies.  The newly-independent United States preserved the institution in the Fifth Amendment: “No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury …”

            Despite the name, they are not part of the court system and they are not overseen by any court.  They are an instrument used by the prosecution. 

            A federal grand jury is made up of 16 to 23 members.  Federal law calls for grand jurors to be chosen from the voter rolls to represent a “fair cross section of the community.”  Grand jurors are not screened for bias and the person under investigation cannot challenge potential jurors.  In the election of November 2020, 92.15 percent of the District of Columbia voters cast their ballots for Joe Biden; in New York county (Manhattan), Biden never fell below 69 percent of the vote and most precincts ran for Biden in the 80 percent-plus range; in Fulton County Georgia, Biden won 72 percent of the vote; and in the three southeastern counties of Florida, Biden won 60-80 percent of the vote. 

To issue an indictment, 12 of the 16-23 jurors must agree that the evidence meets the same “probable cause” standard that applies to police officers: “whether at [the moment of arrest] the facts and circumstances within [an officer’s] knowledge and of which they had reasonably trustworthy information [are] sufficient to warrant a prudent [person] in believing that [a suspect] had committed or was committing an offense.”  Actual criminal trials require a unanimous verdict and apply the tougher “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard. 

Grand jury proceedings are not trials, so they are not adversarial in the way that court trials are adversarial.  There is no judge; the prosecutor decides which witnesses to call and what evidence to present; evidence that was obtained illegally and which would not be permitted in a trial, can be presented; the prosecutor is not obligated to reveal exculpatory evidence to the jurors; people appearing before a grand jury do not have a right to have a lawyer present or to cross-examine witnesses. 

It should surprise no one that grand juries almost always follow the recommendation of the prosecutor.  They indict who they are told to indict for the crimes that they are told to charge.  This is the origin of the quote attributed (incorrectly) to New York court of Appeals Judge Sol Wachtler that a district attorney could get a grand jury to “indict a ham sandwich.”[2] 

While the grand jury was a feature of English Common Law spread all around the globe by the British Empire, only two countries still employ the institution: the United States and Liberia. 

Discussion is good.  Informed discussion is better.    


[1] See: Grand juries in the United States – Wikipedia 

[2] See: Sol Wachtler – Wikipedia  Ah, New York, New York. 

Trump Indictment Syndrome.

Donald Trump invokes the “Russia collusion hoax” whenever he is charged with something.  It has the desired effect.  Many Republicans believe that the criminal justice system—both that of the federal government and those in blue states—is not trustworthy.[1] 

An argument pushed both by some members of Robert Mueller’s investigative team and in the media that celebrated their work centered on the issue of obstruction of justice.  Donald Trump had not been a compliant investigative target.  He had fought against revealing aspects of his business and had used the bully pulpit in an effort to bully the Justice Department lawyers trying to nail his hide to the barn door.  In many eyes, that resistance proved that he had something to conceal.  Alternatively, that difficult behavior might be explained by his certain knowledge that he had not “colluded” with the Russians.  Apparently, the view of the Department of Justice is that it is unfair for an innocent person to fight back.  Subsequently, the multiple reports of the Inspector General of the Department of Justice and the report of Special Counsel John Durham spread the dirty laundry of the Justice Department around in public. 

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s indictment of Trump in the Stormy Daniels “hush money” case has an even worse pedigree.  Bragg’s predecessor, Cyrus Vance, Jr., had his people investigating Trump for much of Trump’s term[2] without coming up with anything that would support charges.  Alvin Bragg had trumpeted his anti-Trump credentials while running for office.  Once elected, he found so little of substance, that he wanted to shut down the investigation.  His prosecutors took their resistance to the public.  Bragg changed course, obtaining an indictment that converted a misdemeanor into a felony by combining it with a violation of federal law that the Department of Justice hadn’t seen as worth pursuing.[3]  The main purpose seemed to be to get Trump in front of a “deep blue Manhattan jury,” as the New York Times said.  The looming indictment of Trump in Fulton County, Georgia, will arouse the same sort of suspicions, no matter how much better founded the charges.  Fulton County went 72 percent for Biden in November 2020.[4]  The plea deal with Hunter Biden only adds fuel to the fire of Republican distrust. 

This distrust of a seemingly politicized judicial system reinforces, if it doesn’t entirely cause, a rally of many Republican voters to Donald Trump.[5]  Arguably, Democrats would rally round one of their standard-bearers if s/he was subjected to the same seemingly unfair treatment.  Wait!  They already have!  It seems more than likely that Hilary Clinton would have fired James Comey in thirty seconds flat if she had been elected President in 2016.  She would have been roundly applauded by loyal Democrats. 

Much attention has focused on the huge sums being drained from Trump’s campaign war-chest by his legal bills.  He gets a vast amount of free coverage from being prosecuted In/By “deep blue” DC, Manhattan, and Fulton County.  So, it’s money well spent.


[1] Rich Lowry, “Each Indictment Solidifies Trump’s Base,” NYT, 8 August 2023. 

[2] I really don’t want to say “first term.”  Please, God, no. 

[3] See: Prosecution of Donald Trump i

 New York – Wikipedia 

[4] See: Election Night Reporting (clarityelections.com) 

[5] Trump is crushing his Republican rivals in early opinion polls, but as much as a third of Republican voters want someone else to be the Republican candidate in 2024. 

Goldsmith on the Trump Prosecution.

The Justice Department and the FBI have suffered a series of self-inflicted wounds in the past decade.  These have undermined trust in the institutions among voters, a distrust which Donald Trump is only too happy to exploit.[1]  In the view of one Never-Trump Republican, the prosecution of Trump may make it worse. 

The 2016 Clinton Campaign inspired the creation of the Steele Dossier, a fake compilation alleging close collaboration between Donald Trump and the Russians.  The Obama-Biden administration’s Justice Department officials knew it was fake from early on, but a) permitted the FBI’s “Crossfire Hurricane” investigation and b) continued the Mueller Investigation from May 2017 to March 2019.  FBI officials high and lower who were supervising the investigations displayed a hostility toward Donald Trump.  They broke a number of rules–always to Trump’s disadvantage–in the course of the investigations.  It isn’t Trump supporters who say this.  It’s the Inspector General of the Department of Justice. 

President Biden’s Justice Department reportedly dragged its feet on beginning an investigation of Donald Trump’s effort to hold onto power.  Then, with Republican primary season looming and Trump running even with Biden in opinion polls, the Justice Department moved with lightning speed to indict Trump.  Furthermore, the federal indictments relating to Trump trying to stay in power involve “novel applications of three criminal laws and raises tricky issues of Mr. Trump’s intent, his freedom of speech and the contours of presidential power.”  That is, it’s far from being a slam-dunk and it is easy to interpret as specious.    

Then, “honesty is the best policy” has never held an unchallenged sway in American politics.  (Doesn’t matter what my Mom thought should be the case.)  Donald Trump is being charged as an extreme example of behavior that is not uncommon.[2]    

In contrast, the Biden Justice Department had been gored in recent weeks, by IRS whistleblowers who have testified under oath, that the Justice Department dragged out its investigation of President Biden’s wayward son until the statute of limitations had expired on the most serious charges, and had obstructed searches and interrogations.  Only the glare of media criticism from the Republicans caused the seams in the “plea bargain”—in which the government did all the giving and Hunter Biden all the getting—to come un-stitched. 

Does any sane person want a large share of the electorate saying that “The law for the President’s enemy works one way; the law for the President’s son works another way”?    

If American politics was not polarized and poisoned, the institutional problems could be absorbed and dealt with.  In current conditions, however, the prosecution of Donald Trump “may well have terrible consequences beyond the department for our politics and the rule of law.”  Tit-for-tat investigations leading to ever more dubious special prosecutors pursuing ever more dubious prosecutions could bend the legal system to the worst elements in politics.  (One of the things that brought Zelensky to office as president of Ukraine was the public revulsion against the subordination of the judicial system to competing political factions.)    

Jack Smith may see the prosecution of Trump as “protecting democratic institutions and vindicating the rule of law”; but “American democracy and the rule of law [may be], on balance, degraded as a result” of that prosecution. 


[1] Jack Goldsmith, “The Prosecution of Donald Trump Could Have Terrible Consequences,” NYT (on-line), 8 August 2023.  On Goldsmith, see: Jack Goldsmith – Wikipedia 

[2] There is much to criticize in the actions of Adam Schiff as he investigated, then prosecuted, and then investigated again Donald Trump, all in the shadow of the end of Diane Feinstein’s time as Senator from California. 

A Wink and a Nod.

            In early 2021, the FBI used Riva Networks, an independent contractor, to track the location of the cell phones belonging to suspected drug smugglers and fugitives in Mexico.  The FBI has said that it believed that Riva could exploit security gaps in the Mexican cell phone system using its own “geolocation tool.”   

            However, it appears that Riva Networks may have been using a surveillance system called “Landmark.”  An Israeli technology firm, NSO, had developed “Landmark.”  An earlier surveillance tool developed by NSO, called “Pegasus,” had become wildly popular with authoritarian (and non-authoritarian) governments.  Eventually, this became known and was widely criticized by right-thinking people.  Reportedly, the FBI told Riva Networks at some point during 2021 that it could not use any NSO tools. 

According to the FBI, Riva Networks did not tell the FBI at the time of the original assignment that it was using “Landmark.”  In November 2021, Riva Networks renewed its contract with NSO and did not tell the FBI about “Landmark.”  They just reported the information desired by the FBI without explaining how they got it. 

            In November 2021, as part of the run-up to President Biden’s “Summit for Democracy,”[1] the United States “blacklisted” NSO.  This prohibited US companies from doing business with NSO.  Still, from November 2021 to April 2023, “Landmark” allowed the FBI to track the cell phones of people in Mexico “without [the FBI’s] knowledge or consent.”  It appears that some other Federal agency may also have been using “Landmark” because cell phones were tracked “throughout” 2021, not just from November of that year.[2] 

            In March 2023, the White House issued a further executive order banning the use spyware that have been used in a repressive fashion by foreign governments. 

            Awkwardly, in April 2023, the New York Times reported that Riva Networks had been using “Landmark.”  FBI Director Christopher Wray ordered his people to find out what government agency had been using “Landmark” in spite of the ban on its use. 

            By late April 2023, the FBI was “shocked, shocked to discover that” the guilt fell on Riva Networks, its own contractor.  Riva Networks, it appears, had “misled the bureau.”  Director Wray terminated the contract with Riva Networks. 

            In late July 2023, the FBI began to inform the elite press of what had happened.[3]  As part of its coverage of this story, the New York Times reported that many Israelis who once worked for NSO have founded their own spyware companies to pick up the slack in the Supply-Demand equation.  The proliferation makes it difficult to keep track of all the suppliers.  Moreover, according to one report, they often employ “complicated and opaque corporate practices that may be designed to evade public scrutiny and accountability.” 

            US foreign policy (or Presidential politics) seems to have come into conflict with US drug war policy.  How to reconcile the two?  “Them that asks no questions isn’t told a lie.” 


[1] Summit for Democracy – Wikipedia 

[2] NSO also contracts with the Defense Department and the Drug Enforcement Agency.  So, did the FBI get sick and tired of always being a step behind the DEA?  For example, see: Alan Feuer, Behind the New Indictments of El Chapo’s Sons, Rivalry Seethed Between Agencies – The New York Times (nytimes.com)

[3] Mark Mazzetti, Ronen Bergman, and Adam Goldman, “F.B.I. Financed Use of Spy Tool U.S. Outlawed,” NYT, 31 July 2023.