“Maline! You die!”

Leon Uris (1924-2003) maybe needed a father-figure and a community he could respect in order to grow up.[1]  The son of Russian Jews who had immigrated to the United States, Uris was no great shakes in school.  He dropped out to enlist in the Marines soon after Pearl Harbor.  Maybe he found some of what he had been missing in the Marines.  He went to Camp Pendleton for basic training, and then to the Second Battalion, 6th Marines.  After that came New Zealand, late-stage Guadalcanal, and Tarawa.  The South Pacific of the 1940s wasn’t the Hawaii of modern vacationers: he caught dengue (“break-bone”) fever and malaria.  In hospital, he missed out on Saipan.[2]  After the war the guy who had flunked high school English three times decided to try writing.  He had a story he wanted to tell.  It was the story not of himself, but of the 2/6. 

He didn’t have an easy time getting it published.  By the early 1950s, many novels about the war had been published.  Some of them remain powerful stories.[3]  Interests were turning toward new conflicts[4] or back to the familiar.  A dozen publishers rejected the book before Putnam’s took it.  It came out as Battle Cry (1953).  It became a best-seller (and a so-so movie). 

            The story and the writing is pretty simplistic, even rough-and-ready.  It’s not the worse for that.  A disparate (even diverse and inclusive by the standards of the time) group of young men fired by patriotism enlist after Pearl Harbor.  They endure the extended rigors of boot camp at Camp Pendleton.  Shared harsh experience forges a shared identity.  They are Marines and always will be.  There are also their experiences with women and drink.  For some of them it is there first time away from parental supervision and conventional morality.  Nobody seems the worse for what follows.  Plenty of time for hypocrisy later in life—if you survive. 

            Then they ship out.  First to New Zealand for more training and acclimatization.  Then to Guadalcanal, although they arrive after the heroic period in the second half of 1942.  Here they get their first taste of combat with the Japanese.  Then back to New Zealand for rest and refit in preparation for Tarawa.  The unit is in a support role in the battle of Tarawa (November 1943).  Then to Hawaii for another round of rest and refit.  This time they are preparing for Saipan (June-July 1944).  Sam Huxley, the battalion commander, and his men all “want a beach.”  They didn’t do all this just to mop-up after others.  They want to be in the first wave at Saipan. 

            They get their wish.  Huxley and many others are killed; Max Shapiro, a peace time reprobate, but a ferocious warrior, leads the 2/6 in defeating a huge banzai attack.  The book ends with the survivors sorting out who they have become in the furnace of war.  Men, better men. 

            Many American men owe their colonic good health to Leon Uris.  He wrote a string of books that were good for reading on the head.  This was the first. 


[1] “He was basically a failure”, Uris later said of his father. “I think his personality was formed by the harsh realities of being a Jew in Czarist Russia.  I think failure formed his character, made him bitter.”  On the other hand, maybe he didn’t entirely grow up. 

[2] Which is where Lee Marvin got shot “in the wallet” (as he decorously phrased it during a television interview).    

[3] Norman Mailer, The Naked and the Dead (1948); Irwin Shaw, The Young Lions (1948); James Jones, From Here to Eternity (1951); Herman Wouk, The Caine Mutiny (1951); Nicholas Monsarrat, The Cruel Sea (1951).   

[4] For example, Robert Ruark, Something of Value (1955) on Mau Mau in Kenya; Nicholas Monsarrat, The Tribe That Lost Its Head (1956) on decolonization in Africa; Nevil Shute, On the Beach (1957) about nuclear war; Leon Uris, Exodus (1959) about the foundation of Israel; and Eugene Burdick and William Lederer, The Ugly American (1959) about American engagement in Southeast Asia.  Curiously, no best-selling novels on the Korean War. 

Then and Now.

            Seen through the optic of income and net worth in 2019, there are two Americas.[1] It isn’t a racial or gender or regional division, although those factors undoubtedly play a role under the surface.  Instead, it is an age or generational division.  One is older, comparatively successful, and rich.  One is much younger, less successful, and comparatively poor.  For those born before 1965, their American lives have been a success story.  For those born from 1965 on, their American lives have been, and continue to be, a story of struggle and frustration. 

            Those 75 or older (i.e. born before 1944) earned 62 percent more than did the equivalent age group in 1989 (i.e. born 1914 or before).[2]  Their median individual net worth was 76.7 percent greater than for the equivalent group in 1989.  Working careers ran from before 1964 to say 2009. 

Those 65 to 74 (i.e. born 1945-1954) earned 50.2 percent more than did the equivalent age-group in 1989 (i.e. born 1915-1924).  Their median individual net worth was 72.4 percent greater than for the equivalent group in 1989.  Working careers ran from 1965 to 2019. 

            Those 55 to 64 (i.e. born 1955-1964) earned 21.6 percent more than did the equivalent age group in 1989 (i.e. born 1925-1934).  Their median individual net worth was 9.2 percent greater than for the equivalent group in 1989.  Working careers ran from 1975 to, say, 2030. 

            In contrast, those 45-54 (i.e. born 1965-1974) earned only 2.1 percent more than did equivalent age group in 1989 (i.e. born 1935-1944).  Their median individual net worth was 13.5 percent less than for the equivalent group in 1989.  Working careers ran from 1985 to 2040. 

            Those 35-44 (i.e. born 1975-1984) earned only 0.9 percent more than did the equivalent group in 1989 (i.e. born 1945-1954).  Their median individual net worth was 19 percent less than for the equivalent group in 1989.  Working careers ran from 1995 to 2050. 

In 2019 those 34 and under (i.e. born in 1985 or later) earned17.7 percent more than did the equivalent age group in 1989 (i.e. those born 1955-1981).  Their median individual net worth was 13.5 percent less than for the equivalent group in 1989.  Working careers ran from 2005 to after 2070. 

            How can we explain this divided America?  “Successful” America went to work from before 1944 to 1984.  “Less successful” America went to work from 1985 onward.  

To overstate matters to some degree, from 1940 to the 1980, Americans lived in an “Age of Free Prosperity.”[3]  The Second World War revived an economy with immense latent power.  It took decades for a war-ravaged world to catch up.  From the 1970s on, global economic conditions became much more competitive, but Americans had a hard time adjusting.  Income growth stalled, even as 401ks boomed for those who could save. 

            The college debt “crisis” is a symptom of this issue, more than it is a cause.  Before 1980, people with (or without) degrees came out of school into a better employment environment than has been the case since 1980.  Still, the old will croak pretty soon and their kids will inherit.  This may be generational justice.  It isn’t a solution to the underlying problem. 


[1] David Leonhardt, “Why Cancel Student Debt Now?  Things Really Are Tougher,” NYT, 31 August 2022. 

[2] Sums adjusted for inflation.  Income and net worth are median for the group. 

[3] I’m borrowing from the term “Age of Free Security,” which is how historians of foreign relations describe the period before the First World War.  Nobody could reach us or threaten us, except may Britain, which didn’t want to. 

Follow-on to the Student Debt Cancellation.

            The Constitution says that money bills (taxing and spending) originate in the House of Representatives.  They go to the Senate for approval, then on to the President for signature into law.  Arguably, President Joe Biden’s use of emergency powers[1] to cancel $300-$500 billion worth of student debt short-circuits this process.  The Executive branch will borrow the money to cover the cost without any input by the Legislative branch. 

            The Fifth Amendment says that “No person shall be… deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.”  Arguably, debt cancellation “takes” from banks and loan processing companies the fees that they would otherwise have collected. 

            So, there may be law-suits that delay implementation of the cancellation.[2]  Or perhaps not.  Apparently, the financial services industry is still trying to figure out what to do.  JMO, but bad press isn’t likely to deter them.  However, they might decide that the legal fees outweigh what would they would get from suing.  They might just accept repayment of the principal from the government and move on down the road to the next money harvest.[3] 

            For the moment, the House of Representatives isn’t likely to defend its constitutional rights against what could be called a usurpation by the Executive branch.  House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is famously proud of her skill at counting votes and there is a tight election approaching.  If that election does tip toward a Republican majority, then the House could sue.  “If.”[4]   

            Republican state attorneys general could sue the Biden administration, just to gum up the works on another of his signature initiatives.  This sort of thing is becoming more common, despite the dubious legal grounds for some of the suits.[5] 

Awkwardly for Democrats, among the precedents offered to justify President Biden’s action include President Donald Trump’s transfer of Department of Defense funds to pay for his border wall.  Less awkwardly, nobody squawked when the Biden administration suspended student debt repayment in 2020.  Still, the cancellation is a much bigger step.[6] 

The cancellation targets specific borrowers, rather than being an across-the-board write down.  Borrowers seeking relief will have to apply.  President Biden announced the debt cancellation before the Department of Education had worked out the details of the plan.[7]  The application form will become available in October; the deadline for submitting it will be 31 December 2022, after which student loans payments must begin.  Lots of bureaucratic snags could occur (but may not).  Law suits could put the whole effort on pause.  Someone is going to bear the blame in the public eye if things go wrong.  If.    


[1] For an emergency that is, in many minds, now over.  See: the charts in David Leonhardt, “On the Left, Feeling Less Anxiety About Covid,” NYT, 1 September 2022. 

[2] Alan Rappeport, “Court Challenges to Biden’s Student Loan Plan Are Likely,” NYT, 2 September, 2022. 

[3] Harry McClintock – The Big Rock Candy Mountains – (1928). – YouTube 

[4] Philip of Macedon to the Spartans: “You are advised to submit without delay, for if I bring my army on your land, I will destroy your farms, slay your people and raze your city.”  Spartans to Philip of Macedon: “If.” 

[5] See: Erik Ortiz, State attorneys general have sued Trump’s administration 138 times — nearly double those of Obama and Bush (nbcnews.com)

[6] In particular, it establishes a “moral hazard” that future borrowers will expect their own jail delivery. 

[7] See a good overview at What You Need to Know About Student Debt Cancellation – The Education Trust (edtrust.org) 

Climate of Fear XXIV.

            At the Little Big Horn in June 1876, one of the Sioux war-leaders was named “Rain-in-the-Face.”  Bjorn Lomborg might be called “Rain-on-the-Parade.”  He’s a “climate skeptic” of a particular type.  He doesn’t doubt the reality of climate change and global warming.  He’s just pretty sure that governments in a panic will do all the wrong things.[1]  This conforms to the general attitude of the Wall Street Journal, so they have published a bunch of his op-eds.[2] 

Broadly, Lomborg believes in the immense value of long-term research on effective and cost-effective responses to real problems.[3]  He believes that the current solutions, exemplified by the climate provisions of the recently passed Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), are a waste of good money.  Most of the $369 billion are devoted to subsidizing the price of “green” solutions that can’t compete on a level playing field with the established forms of energy.  He also doubts that the spending will be sustained over the long term. 

For Lomborg, all types of “green” energy generation must be seriously explored and considered: “from solar, wind and batteries to fourth-generation nuclear and carbon capture.”  He isn’t soft-headed about the result.  He predicts that many leads will not work out.  However, only a few have to work out for the world to solve its energy problems. 

Moreover, the West isn’t at the heart of our current crisis.  From 2011 to 2030, China is projected to emit twice as much greenhouse gases as does the United States, and three times as much as the European Union.  Throw in India and a host of developing nations and you arrive at the real danger.  The key factor is that the countries are trying to raise their people from poverty to prosperity in a hurry and with thin resources.  They can’t throw hundreds of billions of dollars into subsidies.  There has to be a cheap and reliable alternative to carbon to check the massive emitting of these countries as well as the emitting by other already-developed economies.  Only research can provide that solution. 

In the meantime, the IRA isn’t going to make much of a difference.  Carbon dioxide emitted in the United States has already fallen by about 21 percent from the 2005 level.  That, right there, is just over half of the 40 percent decrease that the climate component of the IRA claims to target.  The decline is attributed largely to the “fracking revolution’s” substitution of burning natural gas for burning coal.[4]  There is no reason to think that this trend will not continue regardless of the IRA.  One left-leaning think-tank has forecast that U.S. emissions will fall by almost 30 percent from the 2005 by 2030 in any event.  The climate component of the IRA will reduce them by a further 8 percent for a total reduction of a scosh over 37 percent. 

In short, we would get more bang for the buck from tens of billions spent on research. 


[1] On Lomborg, see: Bjørn Lomborg – Wikipedia 

[2] Bjorn Lomborg, “The Inflation Reduction Act Does Little to Reduce Climate Change,” WSJ, 24 August 2022.  Getting published in the WSJ doesn’t make someone right.  Doesn’t make them wrong either. 

[3] Think of it this way: How long did it take to produce the atomic bomb?  The standard answer would begin with the letter sent by Albert Einstein to President Roosevelt in 1939 and end with Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  A more correct answer would begin with birth of modern physics in the last years of the 19th Century.  Forty years of scientific research on many fronts were necessary.  Why would the same thing not be true of global warming, especially given the need to divert so much time and energy to persuading democratic electorates of the reality of the problem? 

[4] See the charts in Greenhouse gas emissions by the United States – Wikipedia Natural gas burns slightly cleaner than does coal, but it produces much more energy for the equivalent quantity burned.  So you can get the same energy from burning much less fuel.  It’s a useful stop-gap. 

My Weekly Reader 4 September 2022.

            Ronald H. Spector (1943-  ) got a BA from Johns Hopkins, then a commission in the Marines and a trip to Vietnam, then a PhD in History from Yale, and then a series of teaching jobs.  He is the author of a trilogy of works that survey twenty years of violent struggle in the Western Pacific and East Asia.[1]  If Spector’s books have a single defining characteristic it is his ability to clearly explain the multiple and highly-complex factors shaping events. 

            In Asia, earlier developments had been over-run by what people call the “Second World War, 1939-1945” without those developments having been resolved.  Western imperialism in India, Indonesia, Malaya, Indo-China, China, and the Philippines had inspired nationalist resistance movements.[2]  Japanese imperialism had brought Chinese and Koreans under Japanese rule.  Within China, a civil war had raged between the Kuomintang (KMT) government and the Communists.  China and Japan had been formally at war since 1937.  Japanese military triumphs in 1941 and 1942 dealt a death blow to the self-confident assumption of White superiority which under-pinned Western rule.  From December 1941 to August 1945, the United States and Britain waged a highly destructive war against Japan in tropic Hell-holes and on vast oceans.  The simultaneous war in Europe left Britain, France, and the Netherlands exhausted.[3] 

            All the conflicts that had been suppressed by the World War blazed up anew.  The Chinese civil war re-ignited as soon as the Japanese surrendered.  Colonial revolts in French Indo-China and the Dutch East Indies came hot on the heels of the attempt by the imperial powers to reassert their control.  The Dutch threw in the towel pretty quickly (1948), but ethnic Chinese in Malaya launched their own revolt against British rule under Communist direction (1948).  Farther east, the French fought for Indo-China, first with the Americans dragging on their coat-tails and then with the Americans shoving them forward until the defeat at Dien Bien Phu (1954).  All these were guerrilla wars.[4]  Conventional wars began.  The Chinese civil war ended in a Communist victory (1949).  In 1950 fighting broke out on the Korean peninsula.  First the Americans, then the Chinese joined battle.    

            These wars shaped East Asia for the second half of the Twentieth Century.  After the Korean War ended in a truce (1953), the Chinese and the Americans were deadly enemies for the next twenty years.  New nations were born, either hoping to steer clear of the Sino-American confrontation or to benefit from it.  The Viet Minh and the Malayan rebels relied upon China for arms; South Korea, Taiwan, and the South Vietnam created by the partition of French Indo-China tied their security to the Americans.  Here Professor Spector closes a circle.  He is also the author of the first volume of the Army’s official history of the Vietnam War: Advice and Support, The Early Years, 1941-1960 (1983). 


[1] Eagle Against the Sun: The American War with Japan (1984); In the Ruins of Empire: The Japanese Surrender and the Battle for Postwar Asia (2007); and now A Continent Erupts: Decolonization, Civil War, and Massacre in Postwar Asia, 1945-1955 (2022). 

[2] In 1936, the United States decided that the Philippine adventure had been a bad idea.  It declared that it would grant independence on 4 July 1946, while meanwhile setting up a Philippine government to handle domestic matters.  The Americans hauled down the stars-and-stripes on the promised day. 

[3] And, to varying degrees, with a bad taste in their mouths about racism and imperialism.  It’s difficult to fight a war against Nazism, then turn around and say “But our racist imperialism is different.”  Difficult, but not impossible. 

[4] Much of what is known about counter-insurgency warfare was learned in these wars. 

“But Ma, he started it!”

            Back in the 2016 primaries, the self-proclaimed “democratic-socialist” Bernie Sanders ran doggedly against Hilary Clinton.[1]  He lost, but his left-populist message appealed to many voters.[2]  Other progressives took up some version of the Sanders message.[3]  Republicans figured out that they could tar the whole Democratic Party with “Socialism.  This became a major theme in Republican messaging, aided by Sanders’ decision to run again in 2020.  Basically, it seemed to work.[4]  In a recent poll, 69 percent of Republicans believed that American democracy “is in danger of collapse” as a result of “socialist Democrats.”    

            Thinking this over, old-hand John Podesta and rising-star Navin Nayak[5] decided to try the same thing with the Republicans.[6]  They would define the whole party by their portrayal of an extreme wing of it.  “MAGA Republicans” would be the face of all Republicans.[7]  Probably in support of this effort, in some primary races, Democrats poured in money to support the Trump-endorsed candidate against the mainstream Republican candidate.  Obviously, the hope is that many Independents and even a few Republicans would be driven to vote for the Democrat. 

Starting his kick to the end of the mid-term races, President Biden has called upon Americans to rally to defend democracy against the “semi-fascist” supporters of Donald Trump in the Republican party.[8]  There’s nothing new about this charge.  From as soon as Donald Trump was elected, individuals on the left began proclaiming him a fascist and the leader of other fascists.  They construed everything that he did thereafter as a threat to democracy.  The Russia-collusion investigation dumped gasoline on this fire.[9]  Finally, Trump gave his enemies real ammunition: denying that he had lost the election, pushing schemes to overturn the results, and conjuring the 6 January 2020 crowd, some of whose members attacked the Congress.[10]  The whole Trump term is why 69 percent of Democrats see democracy as “in danger of collapse.” 

The trouble with this appeal is that elections aren’t national referendums on one single issue.  Voters choose between what amount to baskets of positions on many issues.  A vote against a Republican candidate is also a vote for abortion, for gun-control, for federal influence in local school curricula, for aggressive rule-writing in place of legislation, for filling vacancies in the federal judiciary with Democrats, and for expanding the role of government in the economy. 

            So, is this just more politics as usual, or a bi-partisan suicide pact? 


[1] Peter Baker and Blake Hounsell, “Parties Agree On U.S. Crisis, But Not Cause,” NYT, 3 September 2022. 

[2] Just once in my life I wanted to vote for somebody who actually believed the things that he said. 

[3] Notably Elizabeth “I’ve Got a Five-Year Plan for That” Warren and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. 

[4] Oddly, the chief beneficiary of the Republican campaign seems to have been Joe Biden, who presented himself as the “moderate” who could draw people together. 

[5] On Nayak, see: Navin Nayak – Executive Director – Center for American Progress Action Fund | LinkedIn;  

[6] Maybe there is a buddy-movie in this pairing.  Who gets the Mel Gibson role? 

[7] Necessarily, “all Republicans” would include those Republican officials who played the main role in defeating Donald Trump’s efforts to over-turn the decision of the voters in 2020. 

[8] Zolan Kanno-Youngs and Michael D. Shear, “Biden Portrays Democracy As Under Fire in the U.S.,” NYT, 2 September 2022.  Curiously, the story refers to Biden’s “fundamentally dark message.”  This echoes the frequent references to Trump’s “dark vision.” 

[9] Although its guttering out in what appears to be evidence of a hoax hasn’t produced much sign of a reconsideration by Democrats. 

[10] The House January 6 committee has done a great deal of good work revealing Trump’s machinations.