In 2016, Donald Trump captured the Republican Party. However, his own base lies—so goes the conventional wisdom—in the “white working class.” That class feels that they have been abandoned by their own country and by their traditional party—the Democrats. Almost half (47 percent) of the voters who approve of President Trump feel estranged from the country. Now, with President Trump in the White House and Brett Kavanaugh on the Supreme Court, almost as large a share (44 percent) of those who disapprove of President Trump feel estranged from the country.
Since President Trump’s election, those on the left have “lamented the erosion of values around tolerance and diversity.” This means, apparently, “a weakening of values around voting rights, abortion rights, [and] L.G.T.B. tolerance.” This view of the situation is puzzling. It appears to suggest that what liberals believe is what they think is established orthodoxy for everyone. What has been emphasized by the election of President Trump is rather that there never existed a national consensus on these matters.
Thus, in 2008 President Obama opposed marriage equality. In 2012, when a bare majority of Americans had come to favor it, he switched to supporting marriage equality. That still left a large, but declining, share of Americans who had not evolved their position with the same speed as had the president.
Similarly, there has existed substantial opposition to unrestricted right to abortion. In 2009, 47 percent of Americans thought abortion should be legal in most cases, but 44 percent thought that it should be illegal in most cases. Since then, the gap has widened, with 57 percent thinking it should be legal in most cases and 40 percent thinking that it should be illegal in most cases in 2017. Breaking it down by age cohorts, it looks like legalization is the wave of the future. People don’t vote their future opinions. They vote their current opinions.
These examples barely scratch the surface. There are the issues around the Second Amendment, urban policing, capitalism, immigration, affirmative action, and elite cosmopolitanism versus mainstream nationalism.
In a telling quote, one scholar remarked about Trump’s insistence that many of his supporter remain disdained by the elites that “if you’re already primed to feel that way, getting a sort of regular dose of that rhetoric I think would cause you to continue to believe it.” That makes sense, but it fails to examine the impact of media, entertainment, and Democratic political tropes on Democratic voters. They, too, have spent years fostering a culture of grievance. For example, just before the 2016 election, one poll reported that 48 percent of African-Americans felt estranged from their own country. That was at the end of eight years of President Obama’s administration and in the midst of Hillary Clintons “Stronger Together” campaign. It is worth asking if Democratic rhetoric played a role in fueling this sense of alienation.
 Emily Badger, “Estranged in America: Both Sides Feel Lost and Left Out,” NYT, 7 October 2018.
 The white working class long formed the core of the “New Deal” coalition assembled by Franklin d. Roosevelt and bequeathed to his successors. They were celebrated as the salt-of-the-earth. See, for example, Norman Rockwell, “Freedom of Speech” and “Homecoming Marine.”
 Which isn’t quite the same as approving Donald Trump they human being.
 Probably, that is because they were motivated by bigotry or principle, while he was motivated by expedience.